This major new study examines the use of political trials by the apartheid regime in South Africa against its opponents in the s, the decade when the ideology of apartheid was reaching its apogee. After tracing the early history of the South African Students Organization and the Black People's Convention, it shows how the state reacted to the threat posed by the black consciousness movement by launching a major trials of ideas, using the notorious Terrorism Act.
It examines how, at the same time, the authorities sought to crack down on white dissent by prosecuting the leaders of the National Union of South African Students. Supreme Court on Code of Civil Procedure. Student Revision Aids. Widest Range of Text Books. EBC Reader. Over 3 million documents, Over 14 million pages, over databases.
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Social Movements in Egypt and Iran. This book analyses the reform movement in Iran and the Egyptian opposition movement since the early s in their historical contexts. It argues that the contemporary movements seen on the streets of the regions today Hardback: Rs. Among the examples of civil wars, armed secessionist movements and minority uprisings in the world today, many involve conflict between a minority group's aim for political self-determination, and the nation Self-Determination and Secession in International They set him alight.
He was alive but unconscious. Dit was breinbesering en verbranding. Ek weet nie watter een van die twee nie, maar die breinbesering It was brain injury and burning. Pushed by the prosecutor to say which of the two might have killed Dlamini, Church said that the brain injury would have killed Dlamini eventually. He had also found internal bleeding, a skull fracture and blood in the trachea — this last bit of medical evidence proof that Dlamini was still alive when he was dragged to his car and set alight. The attack began at about 9am. Dlamini was among 50 people, four of them town councillors, killed around the Vaal Triangle townships of Sharpeville, Sebokeng, Boipatong and Bophelong that bitter Spring day on September 3, The police were responsible for killing many of the dead but some, like Dlamini, were killed by groups of residents protesting against unpopular councils such as the Lekoa Town Council.
In the Shadow of Sharpeville
September 3, at least six months before ANC president Oliver Tambo called for South African townships to be rendered ungovernable, marked the start of an uprising that was to lead, by December , to the collapse of the Lekoa Town Council and, the following year, the collapse of Black Local Authorities around the country, and the declaration of a state of emergency. But many would have mourned or been touched by his death.
At the time of his death, Dlamini was 1. He was the father of three children, a boy aged 12, a girl aged 7 and a four-year-old boy. He was a former teacher at Tswelopele Higher Primary School in Sharpeville, where one ex-pupil and political rival, Bongi Matsose, remembered him as a good teacher and disciplinarian. But not every resident had good memories of Dlamini. But he fell. He was killed by power.
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Matsose recalled an incident in the early s during which Dlamini tried to evict the Matsoses from their council-owned house. Dlamini had allegedly sold the house to another family. The Matsoses survived by walking out of the meeting at which Dlamini wanted them to agree to the sale. But neighbours such as Paulinah Ramogale, 66, had good memories of Dlamini. He did not look down on us.
But there are people who have had no choice but to live that day over and over again. After Dlamini was killed, his wife Masabata lost her mind and died shortly thereafter.
Dlamini is dead. His family lives on with the trauma of his death. So they mourn his loss in private, disavow it in public. However, in some ways, Dlamini never really died. The last one of which I have a copy, dated August 10, , says that Dlamini owes R4, in unpaid rates and taxes. How is it possible for one to die such a public death and yet to live on in such a bureaucratic fashion? It was the result of a battle over legitimacy between the residents of Sharpeville, on the one hand, and the apartheid state, on the other. In coming down hard on the residents of Sharpeville, killing scores, arresting hundreds and mounting what became known as the Sharpeville Six Trial , the apartheid state sought to cast itself as the only legitimate authority in South Africa, the only sovereign with the power to declare a state of exception and to decide who may live and who may die.
Dlamini, as homo sacer , could neither be sacrificed nor murdered.
Dlamini, as homo sacer , could enjoy neither heroic nor sacred death. Dlamini could be burnt to death but not given a meaningful death. He could, in other words, enjoy nothing more than an animal death, an organic death that put an end to his bare life. Not being a comrade or a freedom fighter, Dlamini could not be martyred.
For the apartheid state, on the other hand, Dlamini was indeed murdered. This was, as I said, a clash of sovereignties, a contest over legitimacy. But Dlamini was more than just a corpse on which this clash and contest were staged. He was also a father, a neighbour, teacher and many things besides.
He was not merely bare life — a life that could be killed but not sacrificed, murdered but not monumentalized. I urge you to remember that. By asking you to remember Jacob Dlamini and the thousands of bodies that line our long road to freedom, I want to challenge you to think critically about the meaning and cost of that freedom. I implore you to ask if the tree of freedom did indeed have to be watered and nourished, as both Robert Sobukwe and Solomon Mahlangu are reputed to have said at different times, by human blood?
Did people have to die so we may be free? Put another way, did Nelson Mandela have to prove his commitment to the liberation of South Africa by expressing his willingness at his treason trial to die? To ask these questions is, I believe, to raise difficult questions about the secrets, taboos and disavowals that define the archive of the struggle against apartheid. If we are to take seriously the challenge put to us by the Nelson Mandela Foundation , to say the unsayable, ask the unaskable, expose secrets, break taboos and avow the disavowed, and I believe we must, we have to ask these questions.
Let me anticipate the standard response to my questions about the place of violence in our resistance struggle namely, that we had no choice but to take up arms, that we had no alternative but to kill and die for freedom by saying that whatever archive one cares to look at does not bear out that conclusion. Apartheid did not suffer a military defeat. It suffered a moral defeat.