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Continuing to use www. If you would like to, you can learn more about the cookies we use. Author s : Putzel, J. Book : A captive land: the politics of agrarian reform in the Philippines. ISBN : Record Number : Publisher : Catholic Institute for International Relations. Location of publication : London. Country of publication : UK. Language of text : English.

Language of summary : English. Descriptor s : Agrarian reform agrarian reform Subject Category: Miscellaneous see more details , History history Subject Category: Disciplines, Occupations and Industries see more details , Land ownership land ownership Subject Category: Miscellaneous see more details , landlessness landlessness Subject Category: Properties see more details , political power political power Subject Category: Miscellaneous see more details , poverty poverty Subject Category: Miscellaneous see more details , rural development rural development Subject Category: Miscellaneous see more details.

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Captive Land: Politics of Agrarian Reform in the Philippines

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A Captive Land: The Politics of Agrarian Reform in the Philippines

The state is the captive of the interests of a small elite. Economics, politics and even A captive land: the politics of agrarian reform in the Philippines. Abstract : 'The Philippines philippines Subject Category: Geographic Entities see more details : a captive land' are the words used by peasant leader Jaime Tadeo referring to a society riven with extreme inequalities, where politics are often conducted through violence and intimidation.

Economics, politics and even culture are the captives of foreign, particularly US, influences. The peasantry is the captive of the powerful, and the land is the captive of a privileged few. For many, the key to development, peace and democracy in the Philippines is agrarian reform agrarian reform Subject Category: Miscellaneous see more details.

A Captive Land: The Politics of Agrarian Reform in the Philippines - PDF Free Download

However, as Ninoy Aquino and his family were leaving for exile in the US, a case was filed on May 7, by the Marcos government against the Cojuangco company TADECO for the surrender of Hacienda Luisita to the Ministry of Agrarian Reform, so land could be distributed to the farmers at cost, in accordance with the terms of the government loans given in to the late Jose Cojuangco, Sr.

Republic of the Philippines vs. The Marcos government filed this case after written follow-ups sent to the Cojuangcos over a period of eleven years did not result in land distribution. The Cojuangcos always replied that the loan terms were unenforceable because there were no tenants on the hacienda. Inside Hacienda Luisita, however, the farmers thought the wheels of justice were finally turning and land distribution was coming. According to Putzel, this decision was rendered with unusual speed and was decried by the Cojuangcos as another act of harassment, because Cory Aquino, now a widow after the assassination of Ninoy Aquino in , was set to run for President against Marcos in the February 7, snap elections.

Cory Aquino officially announced her candidacy on December 3, Land reform was one of the pillars of her campaign. It became clear fairly early on that although Marcos claimed he would break the oligarchy through martial law, he needed the support of landowners and provincial political clans to enforce his rule throughout the country. Even here he allowed phased implementation, which gave landowners time to take evasive measures.

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What is more, Marcos himself was a large landowner and used martial law to increase his own landholdings as well as those of his extended family. Thus, Marcos did not attempt to use the state to undermine the oligarchy as a whole, but to strike out at specific powerful opponents. The day before he left, the government filed a case.

Professor of Development Studies | Programme Director, Development Studies and Research

The case remained in its preliminary stages until August when Aquino was assassinated. It was only then that the government began to conduct hearings, but there was still no urgency to the case. On 3 December , one day after Cory Aquino filed her candidacy, Judge Pardo of the Regional Trial Court denied the appeal and ruled that the family had to transfer their lands. The judge made his ruling even before summary arguments were presented, suggesting that Marcos had intervened to ask for a quick decision. Why Dychiu appears to disagree is not clear. Furthermore, based on the dates, Dychiu provides a different—a reversed—sequence of events, saying that Cory Aquino filed her candidacy after the Regional Trial Court had ordered the transfer of Hacienda Luisita, while Putzel states that Cory had done it before.

It must be admitted that Putzel has the date wrong, as Cory did file her candidacy on December 3. The report that follows below, available on TIME. Aquino revealed that on Dec. Could this be the reason for the disparity between the accounts of Dychiu and Putzel? I have highlighted an interestingly worded sentence, which indicates another disparity:.

Then, Sharp petitioned the Supreme Court to enforce the P Juico subsequently stopped the payment order, but the scam had already been exposed in Congress. The President was informed about the deal on 1 April by Fr.

Subsequently, Secretary Juico stopped the payment order and began an investigation of the deal. However, Vistan revealed the overpricing agreemtn to Congress and on 13 May , Rep. Where Putzel shows one event following another, Dychiu claims that Putzel points to a confluence. Is this not a misrepresentation of Putzel?

Why does Dychiu again change the timing of events—and, in this instance, purport to be simply repeating Putzel? His opinion regarding the SDO is presented toward the middle of the article:. In his book A Captive Land: The Politics of Agrarian Reform in the Philippines , American development studies expert James Putzel expressed doubt that the farmers understood the choice that was presented to them.

The problem was not really that the farm workers were denied the right to choose. This bred suspicion that the SDO was considered a done deal early on, and the two rounds of voting with the farmers were only organized to give an appearance of transparency. Does this not seem to be a passive-aggressive attack on the Cojuangcos?

Incidentally, Fr. Joaquin G. James Putzel showed how the non-land assets were inflated.